The more things change…

By Abbas Nasir

Published with permission from the writer


THE 1971 war may have been 30 years in the past. But this was my first visit to Dhaka. The day had to start at the National Martyrs` Memorial at Savar, some 35 kilometres from the capital.

On entering the memorial grounds, you skirt around various features, and then walk along the length of a pool of water at the head of which the multi-leaf triangular memorial rises 150 feet into the air.

Either side of it are mass graves, the final resting place of some of the (estimated) 30,000 people whose bodies were found in that area alone after Pakistani troops surrendered to the Indian army on Dec 16.

One was carrying an enormous burden on the shoulders. I may not have been an adult in 1971 but knew well what horrors we, the West Pakistanis, had visited on our eastern wing compatriots.

Solely for their crime of seeking their legitimate political rights; asking for transfer of power after their chosen party had decisively emerged as the majority party in the free and fair elections held the year earlier.

The election result shocked the ruling generals whose intelligence reports had painted a pretty fragmented post-election scenario. When the election didn`t yield their desired results, they delayed the transfer of power, and mass protests erupted in East Pakistan.

These protests were met by the only tool the army leadership possessed: more and more brutal force. This resulted in a flood of refugees to India which helped arm and organise the resistance and would later declare war.

When the resistance started to get robust, the conflict spiralled into a tale of unimaginable repression where the Pakistani army, paramilitary units and their collaborators` militias mainly comprising Jamaat-i-Islami zealots unleashed mass murder, mass rape.

While the Pakistani media blacked it out totally, the western media gave front-page coverage to this massacre. It would be many years before stories would emerge of the bestiality (in a different proportion of course) of the Mukti Bahini, the liberation army, on non-Bengalis (non-combatants) too.

As I stood head bowed in silent tribute, in contrition, a lump appeared in my throat. How could we? How could we inflict such pain on our own people? I must have asked myself a hundred times in utter shame.

Don`t know how long it was before a gentle tug on my sleeve made me turn to my visibly moved, red-eyed colleague Mahmud Ali who was reminding me we were running late for the next, equally important engagement.

Yes, I was going to see the Kalimullahs, the first time after 1967. But as we approached their Gulshan home I was filled with trepidation. What if they were still bitter about `71? What if they`d politely said yes but didn`t really wish to see me, a (West) Pakistani.

Within moments of arriving at their beautiful home, however, all my fears evaporated. I needn`t have worried. For neither had the stunning Auntie Tanima`s warmth waned nor had her affection for me or my parents (whom I lost in the late 1970s) gone anywhere.

A stroke had confined Uncle Kalimullah to bed and pretty much consumed the handsome cavalry lieutenant-colonel, our neighbour and commanding officer of the 24th Cavalry, I remembered from Kharian.

Asif and Maleeha, like me, were parents now. We reminded each other of every mischief, of each naughty trick we played as children but all this followed a serious conversation where I started by saying how guilt-ridden and contrite thinking Pakistanis were at the events of `71.

All Auntie Tanima`s love and humanity wanted was to put me at ease. There was no bitterness, no anger. She insisted that Asif tell me a story dating back to the end of the 1971 war. Asif, who told me he`d joined the Mukti Bahini aged 14 in 1971, narrated thus in a photographic recollection.

“A few days after the surrender, my father was talking to some visitors in the garden, when the doorbell rang. One of our staff members went to the gate and then returned to whisper something in my father`s ear.”

“Daddy turned to me and said `Asif go and see who it is`. I went and opened the gate. There was a Sikh major of the Indian Army standing outside. He said hello and asked if this was Col Kalimullah`s home.”

“I said it was. He then gesticulated to his driver who asked someone to come out of the back of the covered jeep. It was a slim, tall, young yet dishevelled man in a khaki military uniform whose epaulettes had been torn off.”

“The Sikh major`s prisoner introduced himself as a captain in the Pakistan Army, the son of a friend and colleague of my father`s. `When my unit was transferred here, my parents asked me to make sure your family was OK. But I landed here in the middle of the war and couldn`t`.

“I asked him to come in while the major said he`d wait outside. He met my parents and told them he was thankful to the major for bringing him to our place so he could see for himself we were alright. Otherwise, `whenever I get home my parents won`t forgive me if I say I couldn`t check`.

“The captain quietly said his goodbyes and left. We were never to see him again as we understand he was soon moved to a PoW (prisoner of war) camp in India. We live with the images of our slaughtered people. But that individual`s act of kindness too we`ll never forget.”

Don`t you wish we`d also never forgotten how and why we got to Dec 16? Time flies. It has been more than a decade since I stood at the Savar memorial. It`s been 40 years since `71. But tell me what`s changed?

The writer is a former editor of Dawn .


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1971:No words to spare

I have been struggling to write this post, there are no words that could possibly sum how I feel. The past weeks has been a walk down history lane, reading through stories of people, looking at pictures, eye witness accounts, it is overwhelming. Specially since, being a pakistani, I feel deceived by what our historians told us, the glorification of war, the overlooking of innumerable war crimes, there is no redemption.

As we look back and introspect, there are but many questions and an unquestionable sense of resentment.  Was Pakistan army the only culprit? was Indian army not complacent? Did Mukthi Bahini not commit war crimes? If there is anything that matters through all this, it is the fact that innocent lives were lost in the conflict, that people suffered at the behest of politics, blame can be shared with one doing more than the other but that can not and should not allow us to overlook the human side of the story.

Perhaps, faiz has summed it up better than any other:

kab nazar meiN aaye gi be daaGh sabze ki bahaar
khoon ke dhabe dhuleiN ge kitni barsaatoN ke baad

When will we again see a spring of unstained green?
After how many monsoons will the blood be washed
from the branches?

It is time, we stopped lying to our people, it’s time we put the facts straight. It wouldn’t be possible without an unbiased an holistic approach to stories across borders. There is no pride in a history that is based on lies, no patriotism in drowning the hollers of people that suffered. Perhaps, the only way to ‘wash off the blood stains’ would be to acknowledge their existence, may history never repeat itself.

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Prisoners of correct history

By Naeem Mohaiemen

Billboard by Transcom Foods, owner of local franchise for KFC and Pizza Hut. Reproduction of newspaper from 1971 (
Billboard by Transcom Foods, owner of local franchise for KFC and Pizza Hut. Reproduction of newspaper from 1971 (“Dainik Bangladesh”) with slogan at top: “Others may leave you/But I’ll never leave you, mother!” Photo: Zaid Islam

1971 was and remains a watershed moment in the history of the subcontinent. But what it means to Bangladesh today depends on the use we make of its memory.

At a seminar discussing the 40th anniversary of the 1971 war, an older gentleman advised me, “You must strive to present shotik itihash (correct history).” I shivered and wondered who was going to decide for us, once again, what was correct history. Later, during a research session combing through photocopies of archival documents, I asked the custodian where the originals were. The documents he had shown me were pristine yet distant, copies of copies of copies.

The originals are long gone, he explained. Every time there is a change in government, an official inevitably comes down to the storeroom and asks to see what is inside. With a tradition of abrupt and forced pala bodol (changing of the guard), every state functionary assumes that nothing that came before his time will help his cause. Therefore, the safest path is to destroy all documents, which the official does with mechanical and unemotional efficiency. The cause is, of course, not documenting the war, but only of preserving the parts of it that can help the party in power.


1971 was and remains a watershed moment in the history of the subcontinent. It gave birth to the region’s youngest nation through war, genocide and cascading superpower politics. It set a precedent for ethnic and linguistic self-determination, although the subsequent rebellions in provinces of Pakistan and India never resulted in self-rule. The creation of separate nations on both sides of India had a see-saw effect, stabilising regional imperatives but triggering new instabilities.

For Bangladesh and its peoples, the last 40 years have been tumultuous times. The way we try to remember, or forget, 1971 reflects our shifting relationship with foundational histories (and myths). As an independent nation, Bangladesh has no visible regrets about rejecting the “two nation” theory. The embers of memory, and tensions with Pakistan, keep reviving through unresolved issues such as war crimes trials and reparations, as well as micro-debates such as whether audiences should cheer for the Pakistan cricket team when they play at Mirpur stadium. The ghosts of 1971 keep returning to plague the body politic, reflected particularly in our troubled relationship with secularism. After 40 years, the main argument for separation of mosque and state still remains this: the Jamaat e Islami has leaders who operated wartime death squads. But what happens when 1971 memory is no longer sufficient to protect this concept of secularism?

Looking toward the future, the country has many stabilising achievements in the areas of economic growth, women’s empowerment, infrastructure, and modernisation. As Amartya Sen highlighted in a recent essay, Bangladesh has half of India’s GNP per capita, yet outperforms it on many key Human Development Indicators. Specific success stories, such as the NGO movement, and microcredit, have given rise to a positive image push, birthing initiatives likeBrand Bangladesh (sometimes with elements of uncritical boosterism that parallel India Shining). But, for the elements that remain at odds with foundational narratives (the ethnic displacement of Jumma ethnic minority in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the permanent economic underclass Hindu population), a gung-ho version of history is also an extinction threat — because it seeks to marginalise everything at odds with a triumphant, and majoritarian, Bengali nationalism.

With a majority of the population born after the war, we also have, at times, an uncomplicated and flattening relationship to history. An iconic image of Mukti Bahini fighters, smoothly photo-shopped into an advert for the launch of more branches of BRAC Bank. The aged veterans of the 1952 language riots, filmed in bas-relief for a “30 Minutes That Shook The World” campaign: commemorating the language movement, but also marketing the country’s largest mobile telco Grameenphone (majority owned by Telenor Norway). Looking at the crowds of people at a midnight commemoration at the Shaheed Minar (Martyrs’ Monument), I remarked to my friend and collaborator, architect Salahuddin Ahmed, “this is good, isn’t it?” Growing up under the Ershad military regime, we remembered how celebrations of liberation had been driven underground. By contrast, this was shaping up as a tidal wave of consciousness. But Salahuddin gently reminded me that the ubiquity of tiger striped head-bandannas (advertising the number two mobile telco, Bangla Link, owned by Orascom Egypt) indicated the potential for a slide toward de-historicising: memory driven only by product placement opportunities.

I have remarked at public events that along with this corporate instrumentalisation of history, the greatest damage to the process of recording 1971 stories has been the involvement of politicians. They have repeatedly dabbled in the process of documentation and compilation — attempting to set up a reward-patronage system for loyal academics and punishment system for those who refuse to toe the party line.

Last year, the government announced an initiative to have the 15-volumeShadhinota Juddho Dolil Patra (documents of the liberation war) sent to government schools. A few days later, I saw sales agents with boxes of books from Hakkani Publishers, bound together with twine, waiting for their bus to arrive. Over the next few years, these books may find their way into manymofussil schools and offices. A commendable effort, but I worry, still — what happens if the opposition political party comes back to power. Does the Dolil Patra become blacklisted, as “incorrect history”?

After 40 years of independence, we are still navigating the basic debates. What is the foundational declaration of independence: is it Sheikh Mujib’s March 7th speech, or Major Zia’s Chittagong Radio communiqué? Is it both? Each time a new government arrives, the entire terrain shifts. The same audio may recirculate, but now crucial seconds will be mysteriously clipped out. No wonder many choose to remain in wilful ignorance about the many meanings of 1971. Perhaps they rationalise: it will change in a few years anyway.

Thus far, we have been prisoners of history, and for those wishing to break free of proscribed narratives, decoupling historical research from the political process is an essential evolution, to start capturing 1971 in all its complexities, its twinning of achievement and heartbreak.

(Naeem Mohaiemen is a writer and visual artist. His projects on 1971 include “we the living we the dead,” a site-specific art installation at Beauty Boarding (Old Dhaka), commemorating Hindu residents picked up by wartime death squads. Email:

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Why we need to involve Pakistanis to write a comprehensive history of 1971

By Afsan Chowdary

Republished from


Forty years after 1971, there really isn’t yet a complete history of our Liberation War. There have been several attempts and more are on but these works whether they are rabidly nationalist or more objective and rational also have huge gaps in them because we don’t know all the facts. However much more can be known and it’s for that reason that we need to link up with Pakistani scholars to write a comprehensive history of the year that was. A history that will focus on the key events, analyse them without the passion of a partisan and be loyal only to facts. An attempt was made to this end and an initiating meeting was held in Islamabad in 2007 under the aegis of Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) of Pakistan but progress since then is unknown to me. If stalled, it needs to be restarted or a fresh one bearing the same spirit must be undertaken. * * * The need for a joint history is all the more needed because there are now books that counters the Bangladeshi conventional narrative, making a case against it rather than write an objective history.  Authors like Sharmila Bose in her book -Dead Reckoning- argues that many of the accusations made against the Pakistan army aren’t true. When her work first was presented in seminars in the mid 2000s and her book was published in 2011, the response to her book from Bangladeshis was either abuse or denial of the issues rather than any quality dissection or academic criticism. Bose picked up on the weakest narratives, myths and fantasies of 1971 narratives and simply by putting those under question scored points with her audience. While we may denigrate Bose we can’t ignore that the intellectual construction of our history has become vulnerable due to lack of unsentimental and quality research by Bangladeshis. For example why do we insist on the number of millions of deaths and rape when we never ran a survey or found any other evidence to support this? It has in my opinion become a symbol of our refusal to deal with our own reality. Bose also took advantage of the inadequate quality of our mainstream research to trash the conventional nationalist narrative. Those who gave her interviews upholding this viewpoint didn’t come out sounding knowledgeable either helping her make the case that much of 1971 history is made up or just urban myths that were never questioned. * * * Many of us expect that once we have spoken of 1971 history in highly emotion charged voices, invoking precious names, numbers and symbols people will stand up and cheer us. They often do but that audience is not looking for facts but emotional reinforcement. History and kahini or bir gathaare two different things, fulfilling two separate objectives. By mixing them up, we have done disservice to both. That has to change. Three million dead and thousands raped may express the quantum of our rage and the cry of our wounded hearts but hanging on to them as sacred numbers is mostly a religious act not an intellectual one. I suppose we need to admit we need both but they are not the same. * * * Bangladeshi and Indian scholars of 1971 history began to contest Bose soon after her book made the rounds and those who did are not emotional nationalists and not all are Bangladeshis either. The first to publicly do so was Dr. Nayanika Mukherjee and later others also joined in (Guardian 2011). BBC did a story on her with a contest of her position by Naeem Mohaimen who later developed a more comprehensive rebuttal of Bose and it has been published in Indian and Bangladesh media. What Naeem did brilliantly was not to concern himself dominantly with the content but focus on her methodology. Going chapter by chapter, he looked at the academically questionable use of Sharmila’s sources and why her book was inherently biased towards the Pakistan army, even textually. Bose had quoted Pakistani army sources to explain Pakistani military behaviour which was academically unusual. It was not just a methodological inadequacy but it also exposed the intellectual weakness of this genre of history writing. It was the same weakness that has pervaded most of our 1971 studies too. If we want the history of 1971 to be taken seriously — and we owe it to those who died and suffered in that war — we must have conversations with the second wave of history writing which Naeem Mohaimen, Nayanika Mukherjee, Bina D’Costa, Dina Siddiqui, Yasmin Saikia and others represent. There are many in Pakistan and India as well who are of the same ilk, who rise above narrow confines of identity and seek to speak from intellectual positions without losing their humanity when discussing 1971 history. * * * There is a need to hear from inside Pakistan about several issues which is difficult for non-Pakistanis to find out.  Some of them are: –The level, nature, perception and practice of ethno-linguistic racism which was the cultural platform of the policies of the state that led to the crisis. Why wouldn’t/couldn’t West Pakistanis accept rule of Pakistan by East Pakistanis. – How and when did the Pak army decide to ignore the electoral results and go for a military solution? Who, what, how etc or the chemistry and pathology of the process. – The range, level and organization of repression by the Pak army: whether this was a deliberate policy or a gruesome fallout of the war process. The nitty-gritty’s of the Hamoodur Rahman Commission report and the evidence base of the same. – Whether Pakistan took the India factor into account and if so how they factored it into their decision making process when they decided to go for the attack and how did they deal with the consequences before the December collapse? – Whether before the March 25 attack, the Pakistan army considered what could happen to the non-Bengali minority in East Pakistan in case the Bengalis found an opportunity to turn against them. – Given the experience of March-April when many Biharis suffered including killing and rape, did the Pak army consider what would happen to the same people when they would face a revenge seeking mob after Pakistanis departed under Indian protection? – Personal experiences of Pakistanis that can illuminate many aspects of the war including the horrible and the humane. Nadir Ali, a Pak army officer has given his personal narrative and novelist Soraya Khan collected many anecdotes for her novel “Noor”. Obviously many more anecdotes exist including recounting of courage and compassion which can be best collected by Pakistanis themselves. * * * From the Bangladesh side we can find out the facts including the conflicting ones that can illuminate the events more elaborately. Some of them are: –What was the nature of the post-election negotiations and how far had progress been achieved including the status on the 6-points as far as flexibility and accommodation was concerned? – What was the situation on March 7 — non-cooperation phase — and what was the actual position as far as readiness for negotiations, breakdown and breaking away was concerned. – Was there any prior knowledge of the attack and if so what was the response. Was giving warning to the people considered? If not, why? – What was the actual scale and level of the carnage on March 25 and later and the basic contours of repression on all sides during the war phase? – What was the situation of the non-Bengalis in Dhaka and outside? What happened in the key Bihari zones like Khulna, Syedpur, Rangpur Etc? – What was the scale of the repression of one civilian group over others whether Bengalis, Biharis, Hindus, Adivasis, Muslim, poor, etc. particularly in the villages. * * * History is not about establishing guilt but facts. That there are no bad people, rather bad and dysfunctional politics that can produce murderous events like the 1971 war. And perhaps it is about learning that without the smooth flow of the democratic process, terrible events can take place, big or small. In our interaction with many Pakistanis, we know that many have the intellectual and emotional strength to face their own history. We must also do that. Together with likeminded Pakistanis and Bangladeshis this joint history project can be done. It will benefit everyone and clean the stable of partisan elements that are common amongst us and the likes of Sharmila Bose of India. That will make it easier for Pakistani scholars like Sabah Khattak who organised the SDPI conference, late Tareque Masud who attended the meet and many others like them in Bangladesh and Pakistan to work towards a comprehensive history of 1971.

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The Fatherland

By Yusra Askari

I may never have visited Dacca (as my father still chooses to spell it) until very recently, but my affiliation with the city is genetic. The birthplace of my father, grandfather and many generations before them, which till before 2009 was only known to me through stories narrated by family members and treats of ‘aam sath’, ‘bakar khani’ and ‘muri’ flown across.

In the events leading up to December 1971, my family home in Dacca was torched by an angry, politically motivated mob on the 16th of February 1969. The fire was fuelled by the petrol from the family cars parked on the drive way. Today all that remains of the ‘Twin House’ are memories and the walled piece of land where it once stood.

I must admit, I did arrive in Dhaka fielding some resentment. My father’s hometown was no longer his home but just the city of his birth as stated on his passport. However, as I left the airport, the stories of Dacca I grew up with seemed to come alive; each landmark familiar and the city welcoming.

Over the course of my week-long stay, I realized that Dacca, like my father, had reconciled with and moved beyond the events of December 1971. The city, though firmly imbedded in its roots, didn’t take nationhood for granted.

My visit to ‘Ahsan Manzil’ on the banks of Buriganga, the very grounds where my great great grandfather, Nawab Sir Salimullah, initiated the struggle for Pakistan, embodied the very essence of my journey to the fatherland. ‘Ahsan Manzil’, where both the idea of Pakistan and my father were born, is no longer the property of the family or Pakistan but of the now 40-year-old state of Bangladesh. Lesson learnt: borders may change, new countries may come into being but history stands. What we choose to take away from it is what counts.


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1971: Pakistan Remembers

  1. Dear #Pakistan maybe we will be no more..but like #Dec71 someone will tell our story..#Balochistan
  2. Dil to chaaha par shikasht-e-dil nay muhlat he na di; kuch giley shikvey bhi kar laitey manajaatooN ke baad #Bangladesh #Dec71
  3. Dear #Pakistan , Just two words . #Balochistan . Heed . #Dec71
  4. Wonder if the PPP also regrets Bhutto’s decisions that led to the independence of Bangladesh in #Dec71.
  5. Khoon utra tumhara tau saabit hoa; Paisha-wer qaatilo tum sipahi nahin! #Dec71 #Balochistan #FATA #Afghanistan #Bahrain
  6. It was too late, we’re fighting against wishes of #Bengalis who didn’t wanted to remain with us 4 single sec #Dec71 #Pakistan
  7. Reading about what Pakistanis did to Bangladeshis in #Dec71; feeling sick in the stomach.
  8. “hum ke thairey ajnabi itni madaaraton ke baad, phir banein ge aashna kitni mulaqaaton ke baad”- #faiz, dhaka se waapsi par #dec71 #pakistan
  9. Never been to a country where generations of my family lived and died. #Dec71
  10. Hamood ur Rehman Commission after 1971 said that military action no substitute for political settlement, “which was feasible” #Dec71
  11. Recalling visit to #Dhaka two yrs ago. Warmth from #Bengali friends, and a spirit of reconciliation despite tragedy of #Dec71
  12. Dear Pakistan, It was our indifference that made way for East Pakistan’s transition into Bangladesh. 40 years on, time to introspect #Dec71

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Newspaper Reports 1971

Republished from Bangladesh Genocide Archive, please head over to the site for more archives, eye witness accounts, videos and pictures.


March 1971
3/27/1971 Daily Telegraph Civil war flares in E. Pakistan
3/27/1971 Daily Telegraph EDITORIAL: Pakistan’s civil war
3/27/1971 Daily Telegraph Jinnah’s dream of unity dissolves in blood
3/27/1971 The Age (Australia) Dacca breaks with Pakistan
3/27/1971 The Times of London Heavy fighting as Sheikh Mujibur Declares E. Pakistan independent.
3/27/1971 The Boston Globe East Pakistan secedes: civil war breaks out
3/27/1971 The New York Times Leader of rebels in East Pakistan reported seized
3/28/1971 Sunday Telegraph Army take over after night of shelling
3/28/1971 Sunday Telegraph EDITORIAL: The victims
3/28/1971 Sunday Telegraph Pakistani bombers ‘hit rebel town’
3/28/1971 New York Times Army expels 35 foreign newsmen from Pakistan
3/28/1971 New York Times Artillary used
3/28/1971 New York Times Toll called high
3/29/1971 Daily Telegraph Army in complete control
3/29/1971 Daily Telegraph Casualties likely to be heavy
3/29/1971 Daily Telegraph East wing sealed off
3/29/1971 Daily Telegraph EDITORIAL: Divide or rule
3/29/1971 Daily Telegraph No mercy in Pakistan fighting
3/29/1971 New York Times Sticks and spears against tanks
3/29/1971 The Age (Australia) EDITORIAL: Pakistan tragedy
3/29/1971 The Age (Australia) Pakistanis rally to Sheik’s call
3/29/1971 The Age (Australia) War comes at last to a divided nation
3/29/1971 The Age (Australia) When tanks took over the talking
3/29/1971 The Sydney Morning Herald EDITORIAL: Plunge into chaos
3/30/1971 Daily Telegraph Tanks crush revolt in Pakistan
3/30/1971 Daily Telegraph Reporter slips net
3/30/1971 New York Times Heavy killing reported
3/31/1971 The Guardian Heavy fighting and burning in Chittagong
3/31/1971 New York Times EDITORIAL: In the name of Pakistan
April 1971
4/1/1971 New York Times Appaling tragedy in East Pakistan
4/3/1971 New York Times A resistance fighter tells his story
4/4/1971 The Sunday Times Nicholas Tomalin witnesses a massacre
4/4/1971 New York Times Britons tell of killings
4/4/1971 New York Times EDITORIAL: ‘All part of a game’ – a grim and deadly one
4/4/1971 Sunday Telegraph Starvation threat to E. Pakistan
4/5/1971 Newsweek Pakistan plunges into civil war
4/7/1971 New York Times EDITORIAL: Bloodbath in Bengal
4/9/1971 New York Times Families flee town
4/13/1971 The Guardian PICTURE: Refugees flee Kushtia
4/14/1971 The Guardian EDITORIAL: Rhetoric and reality
4/14/1971 New York Times Bengalis form a cabinet as the bloodshed goes on
4/16/1971 CBS Evening News East Pakistani Refugees Fleeing to India
4/17/1971 New York Times Hours of terror for a trapped Bengali officer
4/18/1971 New York Times In this case, war is hell for one side only
4/18/1971 New York Times Keating report stirs Pakistanis
4/19/1971 Newsweek Pakistan: Reign of Terror
4/25/1971 New York Times Refugees worry Indian officials
4/26/1971 Newsweek Pakistan: Vultures and Wild Dogs
May 1971
5/1/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review India-Pakistan: warclouds mass
5/2/1971 New York Times The political tidal wave that struck East Pakistan
5/6/1971 New York Times Foreign news reports criticized
5/7/1971 New York Times Pakistani general disputes reports of casualties
5/7/1971 Washington Post Aide admits massacre in East Pakistan
5/9/1971 New York Times Bengalis depict how a priest died
5/10/1971 New York Times All serious opposition seems ended in East Pakistan
5/12/1971 New York Times EDITORIAL: The vultures of Bengal
5/12/1971 Washington Evening Star Vultures too full to fly: East Pakistani Calamity defies belief
5/13/1971 New York Times Army men in Pakistan see heresy in Western style education there
5/13/1971 The Baltimore Sun US asked not to aid Pakistan
5/14/1971 The Baltimore Sun EDITORIAL: Pakistan story
5/16/1971 New York Times That shadow in the sky is a vulture – a fat one
5/16/1971 The Boston Globe “Jai Bangla” A Bengali cry of national pride, now muted
5/22/1971 Saturday Review Genocide in East Pakistan
5/25/1971 New York Times Pakistani strife said to continue
5/27/1971 The Guardian LETTER: East Bengal atrocities
June 1971
6/9/1971 New York Times Disease, hunger and death stalk refugees along India’s border
6/10/1971 Le Monde, France Bengal corpses in the wake of a crusading army
6/10/1971 Reuters Move to cut Aid to Pakistan
6/10/1971 Washington Post East Pakistan : A Wound Unhealed
6/13/1971 The Sunday Times EDITORIAL: Stop the killing
6/13/1971 The Sunday Times Genocide (Front Page story)
6/13/1971 The Sunday Times Genocide (Center Page story)
6/13/1971 New York Times Pakistani charges massacre by army
6/18/1971 LIFE They are dying so fast that we can’t keep count
6/20/1971 New York Times The only way to describe it is hell
6/21/1971 New York Times East Pakistan is reopened to newsmen
6/23/1971 New York Times EDITORIAL: Abetting repression
6/25/1971 Hong Kong Standard EDITORIAL: Another Genghis
6/28/1971 Newsweek (Page 43-44) The Terrible Blood Bath of Tikka Khan
July 1971
7/1/1971 New York Times Correspondent of the Times ousted from East Pakistan
7/3/1971 New Yorker The talk of the town; Notes and Comments
7/4/1971 New York Times An alien army imposes its will
7/4/1971 New York Times Hindus are targets of army terror in an East Pakistani town
7/11/1971 The Sunday Times A regime of thugs and bigots
7/11/1971 The Sunday Times The Repression of Bengal
7/13/1971 New York Times World Bank unit says Pakistan aid is pointless now
7/13/1971 New York Times Excerpts from World Bank group’s report on East Pakistan
7/14/1971 New York Times EDITORIAL: Pakistan condemned
7/14/1971 New York Times West Pakistan pursues subjugation of Bengalis
7/14/1971 The Boston Globe Plea from CARE
7/16/1971 New Statesman, London West Both Sides of Disaster : On refugees
7/17/1971 New York Times A Pakistani terms Bengalis ‘chicken hearted’
7/23/1971 Wall Street Journal A Nation Divided
7/31/1971 The Economist, London Time is running out in Bengal
August 1971
8/1/1971 New York Times Why they fled
8/1/1971 St. Louis Post-Dispatch EDITORIAL: Obligations in Pakistan
8/5/1971 New York Times 14 Pakistani aides quit missions in US
8/5/1971 New York Times The ravaged people of East Pakistan
8/12/1971 Daily Telegraph PICTURE: Senator Kennedy visits refugee camp
8/14/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review A people’s war
8/14/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review Pakistan – Blow to Confidence Page 1, Page 2
8/17/1971 Daily Telegraph Halt US aid for Yahya, says shaken Kennedy
8/17/1971 New York Times Kennedy in India terms Pakistani drive genocide
8/17/1971 Washington Post Kennedy charges genocide in Pakistan
8/28/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review Who is my neighbor?
8/28/1971 Los Angeles Times Pakistan Arms Dispute Exaggerated, U.S. Says
8/28/1971 Los Angeles Times India Priest Pleads for Aid in Pakistan Crisis
September 1971
9/3/1971 The Times, London Statement by Dr. Peter Shore, British M.P.
9/4/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review East Pakistan: the avengers
9/4/1971 Los Angeles Times East Pakistan leaders sworn in
9/11/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review Pakistan, a little hope
9/19/1971 Los Angeles Times Agha Khan Yields on Constitution
9/23/1971 New York Times Bengali refugees say soldiers continue to kill, loot and burn
9/25/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review Fighters of Darkness
October 1971
10/6/1971 Los Angeles Times Pakistan Tells U.N. of Acts of War by India
10/10/1971 The Sunday Times Pakistan: The propaganda War Page 1, Page 2
10/14/1971 New York Times Horrors of East Pakistan turning hope into despair
10/17/1971 New York Times The grim fight for Bangla Desh
10/18/1971 The Guardian Dhaka Guerillas start offensive
10/24/1971 New York Times Pakistan offers seized TV films
10/26/1971 The Sunday Times Stop the slaughter
November 1971
11/5/1971 New York Times Wave of Sabotage in East Bengal as border tension rises
11/9/1971 New York Times Bengal Guerillas set up number of assassinations and bombings
11/13/1971 Los Angeles Times Rogers Fears Indo-Pakistan War Soon
11/13/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review India-Pakistan: UNDECLARED WAR
11/16/1971 Los Angeles Times India, Pakistan May Go to War Over East Bengal–and Add to the Suffering
11/17/1971 New York Times East Pakistan town after raid by army
11/20/1971 Far Eastern Economic Review Faith in Bengal’s Fighters
11/21/1971 New York Times Razakars: Pakistani group helps both sides
11/27/1971 Los Angeles Times Jessore May Hold Key to Pakistani Outcome
11/27/1971 Los Angeles Times U.S. Says It Is Trying to Ease Crisis
11/27/1971 Los Angeles Times Heavy Pakistan Fighting reported
December 1971
12/4/1971 New York Times Mrs. Gandhi’s statement
12/6/1971 New York Times The wringing of hands
12/7/1971 New York Times Dacca listens and waits
12/9/1971 New York Times Bengalis dance and shout at liberation of Jessore
12/9/1971 New York Times Pakistan’s holy war
12/10/1971 New York Times India reports foe in rout in East as encirclement of Dacca gains
12/10/1971 The Harvard Crimson Pakistanis Retreat to Dacca
12/10/1971 The Evening Star (Washington) Jubilant Begalis celebrate freedom
12/12/1971 New York Times The crucial fact is that Pakistanis are hated
12/15/1971 New York Times Forces closing in
12/15/1971 Washington Post Witness called E. Pakistan terror beyond description
12/16/1971 New York Times Bhutto denounces council and walks out in tears
12/16/1971 New York Times Text of message from General Manekshaw to General Niazi
12/16/1971 New York Times Bombing is halted
12/16/1971 The Times of London Pakistani General, near to tears, signs at racecourse ceremony
12/16/1971 The Times of London Parliament’s joyful ovation for Mrs. Gandhi
12/17/1971 New York Times 2 men at a table; march to Dacca
12/17/1971 New York Times In Dacca killings amid the revelry
12/17/1971 New York Times Statements by Mrs. Gandhi on truce and surrender
12/17/1971 New York Times The surrender document
12/19/1971 New York Times 125 slain in Dacca area believed elite of Bengal
12/20/1971 New York Times Not to be forgotten
12/21/1971 New York Times A village ablaze, a blown bridge
12/22/1971 New York Times Who knows how many millions have been killed
12/29/1971 New York Times Guerrillas seek lost relatives
12/29/1971 New York Times Hindu refugees return, find ruins in East Pakistan
12/30/1971 New York Times A day of terror for 50,000 Bengalis
January 1972
1/3/1972 New York Times A journalist is linked to murder of Bengalis
1/6/1972 New York Times Texts of secret documents on top level US discussions of Indian-Pakistani war
1/9/1972 Daily Telegraph Sheikh Mujib flies in and sees Heath
1/9/1972 New York Times Backstage with the crisis managers
1/10/1972 Daily Telegraph Yahya Khan accused of sex orgies
1/10/1972 Washington Post The killings at Hariharpara
1/11/1972 New York Times Sheik Mujib home
1/14/1972 New York Times Text of memo on Indian-Pakistan war
1/16/1972 New York Times Hindu refugees back in Dacca find themselves without homes
1/18/1972 New York Times Bengali wives raped in war are said to face ostracism
1/23/1972 New York Times ‘I’m alive!’ is still big news
1/24/1972 New York Times Bengalis land a vast cemetery
1/30/1972 Washington Post Bengalis bodies found
February 1972
2/5/1972 New York Times US sent arms to Pakistan despite pledge to Congress
March 1972
3/5/1972 New York Times Killing of babies feared in Bengal
3/18/1972 New York Times India opens way for Dacca trials
3/22/1972 Washington Post UN asked to aid Bengali abortions
May 1972
5/12/1972 New York Times Dacca raising the status of women while aiding rape victims
July 1972
7/23/1972 New York Times The rapes of Bangladesh

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